Moultrie rode north on June 28 to inspect Thomson’s entrenchments at Breach Inlet.
In November, the US signed a partnership agreement with the islands."The fact that the US Secretary of State spends time negotiating something like this tells you something about what's going on," argues Mikkel Runge Olesen, an expert on Arctic security at the Danish Institute for International Relations. "The Faroese are back on the map. Faroese real estate value in geopolitical terms is going up."Mr Olesen puts this down to increased general tension between Russia and Nato more generally, and more specifically, to increased Russian activity in the Arctic since 2014, when it created a new Arctic Strategic Command based around the Northern Fleet. Battle Island State Park officially became a state park in 1938 when the remaining land was turned over.The popular course near Fulton lies adjacent to the Oswego River and offers golfers magnificent views from a number of its fairways and greens. The 18-hole course is a challenging one for the 'budding professional' and amateur player.Available for sale from Howard Greenberg Gallery, W. Marines during the Battle of Saipan Island (from 'Saipan' essay, LIFE Magazine) (19The golf ball-like structures are still visible on top of the Sornfelli mountain that looms above Torshavn, the Faroese capital.
Instead we have these things called “meetings.” For the uninitiated, they are mandatory and take place at my convenience.Here, then, is yet another example of how the politics and rhetoric of the university have slowly colonized America’s economic, cultural, and political institutions, how recent graduates are carrying with them into the workforce all the bad ideas they learned from their humanities courses, independent research, and campus programming. Professors and students, lecturers and auditors participate in “office hours.” Editors, reporters, private and public sector workers—all adults outside academia, really—do not. I cannot be the only reader for whom the mere mention of office hours evokes memories of college, of mid-afternoon visits to professors for inquiry, flattery, argument, and complaint.
We read books and historical documents in light of literary, gender, and queer “theory.” We rejected “foundational” narratives and “essentialist” concepts. We “deconstructed” texts in an attempt to identify the hidden power relations with them, for sure. The form of postmodernism I encountered—and briefly indulged in—as an undergraduate at the turn of the century was, by contrast, relatively tame. This is the post-modern dogma of “intersectionality” that promotes solipsism at the personal level and division at the social level, that forbids the “cultural appropriation” of one victim group’s tastes, symbols, language, and commodities by another group, and requires members of the victimizer group—cis-gendered white males—to recognize, confess, and atone for their “privilege.” (Full disclosure: This article is being written by an oppressor.)Exactly how and when these ideas took over the campus, I cannot say.
To read the complaints of New York Times staffers as reported by Joe Pompeo of Vanity Fair is to be transported into a senior seminar on “(Re) Thinking Identity: Transvestitism and Pickled Herring in the Eighteenth Century Women’s Novel”: “I know a lot of others at the paper with similar positions to mine, especially women and people of color, who feel that senior staff isn’t receptive to their concerns,” says one journalist. The ghost of Michel Foucault stalked the steps of Low Library, not the halls of 620 Eighth Avenue.For many of the young writers and editors entering the trade, journalism is exactly about creating the world idealized on college campuses, a world of radical egalitarianism, subjectivity, multiplicity, hybridity, and experimentation where “micro-aggressions” against victim groups are rigidly policed.No longer. You’d see Edward Said outside the Ollie’s Noodle Shop on 116 th street, not in the situation room. Moreover, it was obvious to us that the universe of the campus was radically divorced from and irrelevant to the politics, economics, and daily experience of the larger world.
Such a debate, of course, assumes that the object of a publication is not to inform or entertain readers, nor to provide them a range of views, but to advance a party line. For many of the young writers and editors entering the trade, journalism is exactly about creating the world idealized on college campuses, a world of radical egalitarianism, subjectivity, multiplicity, hybridity, and experimentation where “micro-aggressions” against victim groups are rigidly policed.The hiring of a conservative writer for the opinion pages of a liberal publication now occasions a ferocious debate over whether the cause of social justice is being served by implicitly legitimizing an “offensive” voice. But something tells me Kahn belongs to the losing side in this conflict, that he is a partisan of the Lost Cause of objective journalism.
Nor should we forget the damage done to the livelihoods and futures of the people who run up against the intersectional vanguard. But these short-term profits come at the long-term cost of definitive, comprehensive, quality journalism. It may well be the case that multiculturalism and intersectionality are good for Internet traffic and digital subscriptions, that to get woke is glorious for the bottom line. (Needless to say, those views are pro-life.) Indeed, even the language of the announcement of Williamson’s firing, which accused him of “violent” speech, echoed the denunciations of student activists.What I cannot predict are the ultimate consequences of the transformation of media, tech, and entertainment conglomerates into satellite campuses of Middlebury and Berkeley. And that logic prevailed in the case of Kevin Williamson—a pungent libertarian writer hired by The Atlantic only to be terminated a week later over his views on abortion.
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